Showing posts with label Altria. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Altria. Show all posts

Friday, November 18, 2016

Trumping En Masse Through the Revolving Door - the Trump Advisory and Transition Teams

We have frequently posted on the revolving door as a type of severe conflict of interest, if not corruption, affecting health care.  Our posts have covered various cases of people going from influential positions in or related to health care and some anti-health corporations, and government positions that make health care policy or regulate health care. 

Donald J Trump, the president elect, has pledged to "drain the swamp," that is, to generally reduce crony capitalism, conflicts of interest, the revolving door, and government corruption (e.g., look here.)  However, it appears that his campaign advisory/ transition team has been full of people who had just traversed the revolving door.  Examples I have found so far follow, in alphabetical order.

Rich Bagger

Back in July, 2016, per BioCentury Extra

EVP of Consumer Affairs and Market Access Rich Bagger has taken a leave of absence from Celgene Corp to work on the transition team for presidential candidate Donald Trump....

Mr Bagger recently left the transition team, apparently as part of the purge of Chris Christie associates.  Celgene is a pharmaceutical company that was one of the leaders in pushing the envelope in drug pricing (upward that is, e.g., see this post). 


Stephen Feinberg

the co-founder of Cerberus Capital Management LP ... was relieved by Mr. Trump’s victory, a person familiar with the matter said. Mr. Feinberg came on board as an economic adviser [per the Wall Street Journal, November 10, 2016]

As we have discussed here, Cerberus Capital Management bought the former Caritas Christi Health system in Massachusetts, which it renamed Steward Health Care, and subsequently managed, or some would say mismanaged so that Cerberus could extract as much money as possible from Steward.

Mike Ferguson

Reported by Stat News, November 15, 2016,

Not long after Trump’s victory, the law firm where he works, BakerHostetler, circulated an email touting former Representative Mike Ferguson’s 'genuine connection' to Trump, Vice President-elect Mike Pence, and others on the transition team.

The message noted the firm’s 'in-depth relationships' with 'many people who are positioned for senior roles in the incoming administration' at the Department of Health and Human Services, Food and Drug Administration, and the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services.

Ferguson, a Republican who represented New Jersey for eight years, 'is in close contact with members of the Trump transition team during this critical time,' said the note. The law firm lobbies for Celgene (see above), Advaxis, and the Children’s Hospital Association — and is ready for more customers. 
 Newt Gingrich

Former House Speaker Gingrich early on was chosen as a Trump insider. Not so well known are his previous health care activities, including financial ties to big health care corporations. As we posted in 2011, Mr Gingrich set up a for-profit consulting group, the Center for Health Transformation, which

brought in dues of as much as $200,000 per year from insurers and other health-care firms, offering some of them 'access to Newt Gingrich' and 'direct Newt interaction,' according to promotional materials. [per the Washington Post]

As we noted then,  The Center for Health Transformation was largely funded by big health care corporations. The Post first noted,

The biggest funders, ... [included] firms such as AstraZeneca, Blue Cross Blue Shield and Novo Nordisk,...

Also,
The center has listed scores of firms and industry groups as members over the years, amounting to a Who’s Who of the medical field, from GE Healthcare to the American Hospital Association to Wellpoint, [now Anthem] the nation’s largest health insurer.

Other clients were listed in a Bloomberg article,
Among the member companies were drugmaker Johnson & Johnson (JNJ) and health insurer Blue Cross and Blue Shield Association....

Also,
Pfizer Inc. (PFE), the world’s largest drugmaker, had consulting contracts with Gingrich, according to two people familiar with the arrangements. Pfizer spokesman Ray Kerins didn’t respond to requests for comment.

The Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, the industry’s trade group, was also a client. His firm 'was retained by the PhRMA general counsel’s office at one time to provide advice on a positioning project,' the group said.
In addition, clients included important firms in the health care information technology (IT) sector, including GE, IBM, Microsoft, Allscripts, and Siemens.


We also then wrote about several cases in which Mr Gingrich apparently intervened on behalf of his clients to promote their business interests in the guise of promoting his views on health policy solutions.  In some cases, the views he promoted did not fit with what is generally regarded as his political philosophy, suggesting that the interests of his paying clients overrode his political views.[again, see this post]

Note that we have discussed the managerial, ethical and sometimes criminal misadventures of many of the companies listed above (see the links above for specific firms).  

Rudolph Giuliani

Mr Giuliani, like Mr Gingrich, early on became a close Trump adviser. Per the New York Times, November 15, 2016, Mr Giuliani's consulting firm's clients included Purdue Pharma,

Under contract with Purdue Pharma, the maker of the often-abused painkiller OxyContin, Mr. Giuliani used his clout with the Justice Department to press the federal authorities to offer a less onerous punishment to the company after allegations that security problems at its warehouses might have contributed to black market sales.
We have discussed, and others have discussed more extensively, the saga of Purdue Pharma, which aggressively and deceptively marketed the narcotic OxyContin, doubtless contributing to the deadly epidemic of prescription opioid abuse.


J Steven Hart

Hart, an attorney and accountant who perennially appears on lists of top D.C. lobbyists, is chairman of the law and lobbying firm Williams & Jensen [per the National Law Journal, November 10, 2016]

Hart joined Williams & Jensen in 1984 and became chairman in 1999. At the firm, he has lobbied for many Fortune 500 companies. In 2016 alone, according to filings from the U.S. Senate Lobbying Disclosure Act database, Hart’s clients have included General Electric Co., Coca-Cola Co., Pfizer Inc. and Visa Inc.

More clients of his firm include giant health insurance/ managed care company Anthem, and PhRMA, the association of pharmaceutical manufacturers, per Politico, November 11, 2016


Cindy Hayden

Trump's Homeland Security team ... is being led by Cindy Hayden, a director at the US tobacco giant Altria [per the Business Insider, November 11, 2016]

Given the well known health risks of smoking, Altria could just as well be called an anti-health care company.  As a member of its board of directors, Ms Hayden has a fiduciary responsibility to increase the company's revenue. 

Howard Lorber

Back in August, per the Washington Post, Mr Trump announced a list of core economic advisers that included Mr Lorber, "chief executive of the Vector Group." Per the company website, the Vector Group Ltd is a holding company that holds primarily tobacco companies:

Through our subsidiaries, Liggett Group LLC and Vector Tobacco Inc., we manufacture and market high quality cigarette products to adult smokers in the United States. Vector Group also owns New Valley LLC.

Vector Group’s tobacco subsidiaries have a proud history of charting an independent course in the tobacco industry, dating from Liggett’s founding in 1873.

Also,

We have also developed our e-cigarette brand, Zoom, which we believe is a superior disposable e-cigarette product.

As noted above, tobacco companies could easily be called anti-health care companies.  The more use of tobacco, the more the public health risk.  Yet Mr Lorber's job is to increase the company's revenue, and hence, presumably the use of tobacco. 


Betsy McCaughey

As reported by NPR in August, Mr Trump added a group of women to his economic advisory team. They included,

New York Lt. Gov. Betsy McCaughey, who wrote several influential but highly controversial articles criticizing Hillary Clinton's health care proposals in the 1990s, is also on the list. More recently, she has written books taking on the Affordable Care Act.

As we noted in a post in 2009, in an op-ed column for Bloomberg News that got wide attention, Betsy McCaughey, who is described as, "former lieutenant governor of New York and is an adjunct senior fellow at the Hudson Institute," attacked as "dangerous" provisions in the new Affordable Care Act (ACA, "Obamacare") which supported comparative effectiveness research.  However, not noted in Betsy McCaughey's op-ed article was that she ... [was] on the board of directors of Cantel Medical, a device company, and formerly on the board of Genta, a biotechnology company.

Furthermore, per an August article in the Huffington Post,

Betsy McCaughey built a career out of saying bombastic, completely false things about health care reform. She is reviled by actual health care policy analysts from the left, right and center for spreading frightening, but demonstrably false, misinformation while adopting the tone and posture of a serious expert.

In 1994, she claimed that Hillary Clinton’s health care reform plan would bar people from purchasing care outside the new Clinton system, which would cruelly ration treatments to curb costs. It wasn’t true. The magazine that published the article would later disavow it.

Here’s what she said about Obamacare in 2009:

'One of the most shocking things I found in this bill, and there were many, is on page 425, where the Congress would make it mandatory ― absolutely require ― that every five years, people in Medicare have a required counseling session that will tell them how to end their life sooner ... all to do what’s in society’s best interest or your family’s best interest and cut your life short. These are such sacred issues of life and death. Government should have nothing to do with this.'

Pretty scary! And totally untrue. Completely, 100 percent false. Zero correspondence with reality. But McCaughey’s nonsense took off. She made the same claim in op-eds for The Wall Street Journal and the New York Post. When Sarah Palin picked up the idea, the mandatory meetings morphed into “Obama’s death panel.” Conservative media and Republican politicians went wild.

Paula Stannard

According to Stat News, November 15, 2016, Ms Stannard served

in the last Republican administration as deputy general counsel to the Department of Health and Human Services.

She was responsible for food and drug issues and other matters, including federal health insurance and public health preparedness. On the Trump transition, she will be working under Bremberg.

However, her firm

has earned more than $4.4 million lobbying so far this year for health care companies and trade groups including Novartis AG, Verax Biomedical, the American Hospital Association, St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital, and Aetna — plus an untold amount doing legal and regulatory work, which does not have to be reported. 

Re her position in the transition team, Stat News quoted Dr Michael Carome, who runs the Health Research Group for Public Citizen,

I think this reflects the fact that Trump’s pledge to drain the swamp is not going to take place. Individuals who have close ties to regulated industries such as pharmaceuticals is worrisome, because such individuals are likely to pursue an agenda that is very industry friendly and not consumer and patient friendly.... 

Tommy Thompson

Also according to Stat News, November 15, 2016, Mr Thompson, a former Secretary of Health and Human Services under President George W Bush, served

as a founding member of the Bush Alumni Coalition Supporting Trump, which launched in late September. (Very late.)

Thompson, who ran the group, served as governor of Wisconsin from 1987 to 2001. He was also a partner at Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld, which lobbies for the American Medical Association, PharmAthene, and the Alliance for a Stronger FDA, among other health care concerns.

Thompson’s participation could also be good news for the health care companies whose boards he serves on: Centene, United Therapeutics, and TherapeuticsMD. He is a former director of Cytori Therapeutics.
Note again that we have previously discussed managerial, ethical, and sometimes criminal misadventures of some of the companies with which Mr Hart, Ms McCaughey, Ms Stannard, and Mr Thompson were affiliated (see the links to the companies noted in the discussions above.)

Summary

Donald Trump's candidacy seemingly was welcomed by many people who really thought he would be an economic reformer.  They thought he would address the plight of poor, working and middle class people, who saw their incomes stagnant or falling, had trouble finding decently paying jobs, may have lost their jobs and/or their housing, saw their communities hollowed out, and generally felt the system was rigged against them. Even some health care professionals saw Mr Trump as a reformer of a rigged health system. For example, in July, 2016, Stat News published an editorial by Dr Charles D Rosen:

As a physician, I believe that Trump is absolutely right about allowing cheaper pharmaceutical drugs manufactured abroad to be sold in the United States. He is right that the pharmaceutical companies essentially sell their products to the federal government via Medicare and Medicaid without competitive bidding. In other areas of the budget, such as defense, federal laws require competitive bidding. It is outrageous this doesn’t occur with drugs and devices, especially since the health care budget is right behind defense in terms of expense.

Trump is right when he says that drug companies control the landscape. He appears to be willing to call it as it is and not worry about repercussions from the powerful drug interests, and has moved in the right direction in saying he would let Medicare negotiate with pharmaceutical companies if he becomes president.

However, by November 15, 2016, as reported by the Los Angeles Times,

the president-elect appears to have downgraded plans to act aggressively to control rising drug prices, handing the pharmaceutical industry an early victory and providing another illustration of the influence of lobbyists on the new Trump administration, despite Trump’s promise to 'drain the swamp' of special interests in Washington.

Trump, who once made the cost of pharmaceuticals a central part of his campaign healthcare pitch and included the issue on his campaign website, hasn’t mentioned the subject since the election, even though the issue is consistently cited as the top healthcare problem Americans want to see fixed.

And Trump’s transition healthcare agenda makes no mention of drug prices, though it lists six other healthcare priorities, including restricting abortion, speeding federal approval of new drugs and restructuring Medicare and Medicaid.

So like Dr Phil used to say, how is it working for you now, Dr Rosen?

Mr Trump seemed to promise economic reform, and to "drain the swamp" or Washington crony capitalism, insider dealing, conflicts of interest, and corruption.  But at least in the health care sphere, many of his cronies on his advisory and transition teams seem to be rotators through the revolving door, having gone from being corporate insiders to being political advisers.  

And as we noted previously, the revolving door is a species of conflict of interest. Worse, some experts have suggested that the revolving door is in fact corruption.  As we noted here, the experts from the distinguished European anti-corruption group U4 wrote,
The literature makes clear that the revolving door process is a source of valuable political connections for private firms. But it generates corruption risks and has strong distortionary effects on the economy, especially when this power is concentrated within a few firms.
The case of the Trump transition once again suggests how the revolving door may enable certain of those with private vested interests to have excess influence, way beyond that of ordinary citizens, on how the government works, and that the country is still increasingly being run by a cozy group of insiders with ties to both government and industry.

So, as we have said before.... The continuing egregiousness of the revolving door in health care shows how health care leadership can play mutually beneficial games, regardless of the their effects on patients' and the public's health.  Once again, true health care reform would cut the ties between government and corporate leaders and their cronies that have lead to government of, for and by corporate executives rather than the people at large.

But did we really think the self-proclaimed billionaire and former star of The Apprentice was going to be a reformer?  After all, its theme song was "For the Love of Money"




Friday, September 02, 2011

Smart ALEC's Strange Bedfellows

 A number of articles in the Nation, plus posts by some of our blogging colleagues discussed the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) and its role in policy, including health policy advocacy.  The lead article, "ALEC Exposed," in the Nation, characterized ALEC as:
a critical arm of the right-wing network of policy shops that, with infusions of corporate cash, has evolved to shape American politics. Inspired by Milton Friedman’s call for conservatives to 'develop alternatives to existing policies [and] keep them alive and available,' ALEC’s model legislation reflects long-term goals: downsizing government, removing regulations on corporations and making it harder to hold the economically and politically powerful to account. Corporate donors retain veto power over the language, which is developed by the secretive task forces. The task forces cover issues from education to health policy.
ALEC and Health Care Reform
Wendell Potter contributed an article about ALEC's position on health care reform. First,
ALEC crafted the Freedom of Choice in Health Care Act, which, despite its Orwellian name, was written to deny the citizens of any state that passed it the freedom to set up such a system. By declaring that Congressional attempts to regulate health insurance at the federal level would be unconstitutional, it would effectively ban not only a federal single-payer proposal but also a federally created health insurance exchange and a federally operated public insurance option.

ALEC
adopted a strategy to shape rather than stop reform. Its top five goals became:

§ Keeping single-payer proposals off the table;

§ Ensuring that the final bill contain a clause requiring all Americans not eligible for an existing federal program to buy coverage from a private insurance company; [note that thus the "mandate" that pseudo-conservative groups like the Tea Party hate seems to have been pushed by big commercial insurance firms, and by some of the Tea Party's backers, not by the "big government" the Tea Party also loves to hate]

§ Preventing the new law from establishing a government-run plan (the 'public option') that would compete with private insurers;

§ Making sure that the reform law is implemented primarily at the state level, to keep the federal government from assuming any significant new oversight of private insurers’ business practices; and

§ Keeping any new regulations and consumer protections to a minimum.

Insurers achieved their first four goals, with ALEC playing a key role in a well-coordinated effort to keep the most progressive proposals from being enacted at the state or federal level.
Corporate Funders and Influencers
The articles in the Nation suggest that ALEC's health policy advocacy is shaped only by commercial health care insurance. However, it appears that ALEC is supported by a much broader spectrum of health care corporations and other corporations whose products affect health care. It's "Private Enterprise Board" includes Mrs Sandra Oliver, First Vice Chairman, Bayer Corp; Mr John Del Giorno, Second Vice Chairman, GlaxoSmithKline; Mr David Powers, Treasurer, Reynolds American; and Board Members Mr Don Bohn, Johnson and Johnson, Mr Jeffrey Bond, PhRMA, and Mr Michael Hubert, Pfizer.

A PRWatch special report on its funding noted:
98% of ALEC's funding comes from corporations like Exxon Mobil, corporate 'foundations' like the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation, or trade associations like the pharmaceutical industry's PhRMA and sources other than 'legislative dues.'

In more detail,
Other current ALEC corporate leaders have given an undisclosed sum to ALEC this year and before.

These companies include: CenterPoint 360 (a firm that helps companies 'manage legislation'), Altria (formerly Phillip Morris tobacco), the American Bail Coalition (the trade group for for-profit bail bonds), AT&T, Bayer (aspirin), Coca-Cola, Diageo (Crown Royal and other liquor), Energy Future Holdings (Texas electricity), ExxonMobil, GlaxoSmithKline (Tums and other brands), Intuit (Quickbooks), Johnson & Johnson (lotion), Koch Industries (Georgia Pacific paper products and other brands), Kraft Food (Macaroni and Cheese dinners), Peabody Energy (the largest private coal company in the world), Pfizer (Viagra), PhRMA (the pharmaceutical trade group), Reed Elsevier (Lexis/Nexis legal research), Reynolds American (tobacco), Salt River Project (energy), State Farm Insurance, United Parcel Service, and Wal-Mart (world's largest retailer).

So ALEC supporters include some very strange bed fellows.

Commercial Insurance in Bed with Pharma
ALEC has championed health care positions that seem designed to favor commercial health insurance.  However, it is supported by many corporations with which commercial health insurance ostensibly negotiates at arms length, and whose prices commercial health insurance ostensibly wants to lower.  These include pharmaceutical companies, Bayer, GlaxoSmithKline, and Pfizer, and pharmaceutical/ biotechnology/ device conglomerate Johnson and Johnson, all represented by PhRMA. 

It is very curious, to say the least, that such companies are helping to fund a set of policy objectives all designed to further the interests of commercial insurance companies as listed above.  Perhaps the leaders of drug companies think that commercial insurers are likely to be easier negotiators than would be some future hypothetical "public option," (government run insurance company).  Perhaps the leaders of commercial insurance companies realize that they can more plausibly raise their administrative costs, and the amounts they pay to top executives, when overall health care costs, fueled by pharmaceutical and device prices, are rising.

A UK Company in Bed with American State Legislators

ALEC is supposed to be directed at American state legislatures, and be a membership organization for American state legislators.  It literally includes a graphic of a waving American flag on its home page.  However, it is supported by at least one foreign (UK) pharmaceutical company, GlaxoSmithKline. 

It is very curious that a British company seems to be seeking to influence the US state legislative process. The appropriateness, and the legality of a British company seeking to influence American state legislatures I leave to be judged by others. 

Pharmaceutical Companies (Including Those that Make Smoking Cessation Products) in Bed with Tobacco Companies

ALEC is supported by pharmaceutical companies that all promise to improve health care.  These particularly include those that make or sell products that are designed to improve health by aiding smoking cessation, (GlaxoSmithKline, Johnson and Johnson, and Pfizer).  However,by their side stand two tobacco companies, Reynolds America and Altria, whose products the pharmaceutical companies' products are designed to counter. 

It is very, very curious that smoking cessation product manufacturers would team up with tobacco companies.  Perhaps cynics among the leadership of the drug companies realize that the market for smoking cessation products increases with tobacco sales.  Perhaps cynics among the leadership of tobacco companies think that the knowledge that there are treatments, albeit not very effective ones, to aid in smoking cessation may encourage people to start or continue smoking (an interesting but rarely discussed example of the "moral hazard" that free market economists love to otherwise discuss).  

Summary

So in my humble opinion, the strange bedfellows among health care related corporations funding ALEC suggest 1) how little the health care system functions like anything resembling an ideal free market; and 2) how top organizational leaders may have feel they have more in common with each other than they do with their more lowly employees, customers, clients, and the public at large.

True health care reform would require decreasing the size and power of large health care organizations, and ensuring that their leaders put their mission, and their patients' and the public's health ahead of their personal enrichment.

Hat tip to Naomi Freundlich's post on the Health Beat blog.

Wednesday, June 30, 2010

"Smoke Detector" - Medical Center Leader (and Former Biotech CEO) Outed as Tobacco Investor

Last year we posted about the seemingly incongruous choice of a wealthy biotechnology executive with little academic or practice experience to run the prestigious University of California - San Francisco, a health oriented university housing a respected medical school.  We wondered whether her corporate background would make it difficult to uphold the university's academic and patient care missions.

In line with our concerns, Duff Wilson, writing in the New York Times, reported:
When Dr. Susan Desmond-Hellmann was named chancellor of the University of California, San Francisco, last summer, she took over a medical institution focused on world health generally and tobacco control in particular.

But she forgot one thing in adjusting to her new role: personal stock holdings listed last year in the range of $100,000 to $1 million in Altria, owner of Philip Morris USA, the maker of Marlboro cigarettes. Altria has been blamed for thousands of deaths and repeatedly criticized by the Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education at the university.

Last week, a day after The New York Times inquired about the Altria stock, Dr. Desmond-Hellmann and her husband, also a doctor, ordered it to be immediately sold and imposed 'values screening' on their personal investments.

Experts on tobacco control were aghast:
Dr. Stanton A. Glantz, director of the university’s tobacco control center, said he was unaware of Dr. Desmond-Hellmann’s Altria stock, which was contained in a university filing but not made public until now, after a public records request by a former student who passed it on to The Times.

“I do find that kind of shocking, but at least she got rid of it,” Dr. Glantz said on Monday, adding that Dr. Desmond-Hellmann had been very supportive of the center.

Dr. Kenneth E. Warner, dean of the school of public health at the University of Michigan and a national antitobacco leader, said, “I find it frankly a bit appalling that the chancellor of a major medical center would have held such stock. It strikes me as unthinking, frankly.”

We should give Dr Desmond-Hellmann credit for selling her Altria stock as soon as its connotations were made plain to her. (And at least she was not on the board of a tobacco company, to our knowledge, as was one former president of a university and large health sciences center.)

However, this little incident underlines the clash between the culture that dominates large health care corporations and the mission of medical schools and academic medical centers. In the last 30 years, academic medicine has rushed to embrace the reigning corporate culture, not to mention corporate money. I submit that this embrace has been at the peril of the fundamental academic and patient care missions.

Academic medical leaders need to promote better patient care, and honest, responsible teaching and research. To do so, they may have to give up some of the glitz, glamor, and cash proffered by industry. If they do not make this sacrifice, they risk losing the trust of an increasingly skeptical, if not cynical public.